Anthony D Buckley
Ethnology in the North of Ireland
by Anthony D Buckley
In Everyday culture in Europe: approaches and methodologies Eds Máiréad Nic Craith, Ullrich Kockel and Reinherd Johler 2008, Ashgate Aldershot and Burlington, 165-183.
My task is to survey some two centuries of ethnological inquiry in the north of Ireland. One problem is that, since the 1970s, droves of scholars have taken an interest in Northern Ireland, making it possible to cover this field only impressionistically. Another is that writers have traded under such different names as “anthropology”, “ethnology”, “folklife”, “folklore”, or even “geography” or “history” while studying essentially similar topics. I shall therefore risk using the term “ethnology” to refer to the study of the everyday lives, actions and activities of the broad mass of the population.
Ethnology in Ulster has broadly taken four approaches, each of which has its value. One has been the simple gathering of empirical information. This approach predominated during much of the nineteenth century and persists to this day. A second has been the use of ethnological materials to idealise group identities, be these national, regional, ethnic or local. This celebratory approach blossomed during the Celtic Revival that began in the late nineteenth century, but it existed throughout the entire period. Another approach involved a quest for origins. Key notions here were that certain types of past culture might “survive” into the present day, but also that they may “diffuse” from one population to another. The fourth approach, which arrived rather suddenly in Ulster in 1972, saw the central task to be to discover the meaning that actions and objects might have in particular social contexts.
Much early ethnology in the north of Ireland consisted of the mere collection of information. In a recurring feature of Ulster ethnology, this information often consisted of bite-sized chunks – be they stories, tunes, brief accounts, finished narratives or even physical objects – that could be easily compiled, published or stored.
Such materials exist in the narratives of both travellers and residents (Carlyle 1849; Mr and Mrs Hall 1850; Plumptree 1817; Thackeray 1843). Many such people were interested to express sympathy or criticism of the poverty of Ireland; others, to represent Ireland’s supposed archaic exoticism (Bell 1998, 100).
A few such accounts are more systematic. Important here is Carleton’s Traits and stories of the Irish Peasantry (1832). So are the copious memoirs on such topics as domestic life, material culture and folklore made by the soldiers, surveyors and scholars who created the maps of the Irish Ordnance Survey (Ordnance Survey Memoirs 1835-40; see Andrews 1975; Gailey 1982b).
The transcription of Irish music is also important. This really begins with the work of Edward Bunting. In the late eighteenth century, the custom of itinerant harpers visiting the great aristocratic houses fell into decline. In 1792, surviving harpers gathered in Belfast to perform their music. Bunting, transcribed their tunes (see Audley 2003; Harbison 1989; Maloney 2000; (eds) O’Sullivan with Ó Súilleabháin 1983.), and these eventually provided the basis for a major genre of Irish song.
Newspapers often recorded ethnological information. Ronald Adams (1985) tells of the bonfires, cockfights and night burials recorded in early editions of the Belfast Newsletter. By the 1850s, the more scholarly Ulster Journal of Archaeology included similar information alongside its more central concern with archaeology and history. One typical volume of the journal (the seventh), for example, contained, “The remarkable correspondence of Irish, Greek and Oriental legends” (O’Laverty 1859); “On the heath-beer of the ancient Scandinavians” (Locke 1859); and (part of a series) “Six hundred Gaelic proverbs collected in Ulster” (MacAdam 1859). Both the Belfast Natural History and Philosophical Society and the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club (founded respectively 1842 and 1863), whose prime focus was in natural science, also took an interest in ethnology.
By the twentieth century, this empirical spirit had become more sophisticated. In particular, T G F Paterson, first curator of the Armagh County Museum (1935 to 1962) produced extensive archives and some still-useful publications relating to genealogy, local history, archaeology, folklore, place names studies, and dialect (see Abraham 2000, Evans 1971; (ed.) Evans 1975).
Empirical research is, of course, the backbone of all ethnology, and the task specifically of collection has particular importance in such fields as narrative, music and material culture. While somewhat crude in the nineteenth century, this empiricism laid the foundation for subsequent, more theoretically orientated research.
Revival and beyond
From the 1880s, Irish ethnology gained new impetus in the Celtic (or Gaelic) Revival, with its interest in recording and preserving narrative, music and language, all of which were conceived of as Ireland’s treasures.
A major force in Ulster was the Belfast lawyer and ardent nationalist Francis Joseph Bigger. Bigger became secretary and then president of the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club. In 1894, he revived the Ulster Journal of Archaeology, becoming its editor. He soon organized a multitude of events from folk ballad expositions to pageants, plays and processions, which he saw as integral to social “regeneration” – a cause close to his heart. He restored Jordan’s Castle at Ardglass, turning it into a centre for a peasant arts revival. (Dixon 1997, 40ff)Perhaps his most famous achievement was the Feis na nGleann (Festival of the Nine Glens of Antrim and Rathlin) in 1904 (Bell 1988; McBrinn 2002, 2004).
Bigger propagated traditional crafts, encouraging them as commercial enterprises in the spirit of William Morris. For example, he helped set up toy-making workshops in Cushendall and Ballycastle (McBrinn 2002). The Ballycastle workshop included a mock-up of an old Irish kitchen with a “turf fire, dresser covered in delft and pewter, its grandfather clock and settle bed.” At the shop opening, there sat an old woman spinning and another grinding flour with a quern (McBrinn 2002, 45).
Bigger himself, like the Revival generally, has been widely criticised for its “fakelore” or “folklorismus”, the fact that many of its supposed traditions were invented (Gailey 1982c). Bell, however, generously claims there is nothing disreputable in merging old and new cultural forms, or vernacular and more elite traditions (Bell 1988, 1998).
In 1927, the Revival gave birth to the Irish Folklore Society followed by the Irish Folklore Institute (later the Irish Folklore Commission) under Séamus Ó Duilearga and located in University College Dublin (Briody 2005, 10). Despite an inevitable southerly orientation, these bodies maintained a continuing interest in Northern Ireland. For example, one of the Institute’s first projects was to publish a collection of Tyrone folktales by Ó Tuathail (1933; see Briody 2005, 17-18). In the 1960s, the Commission employed Michael J Murphy to collect folklore in Northern Ireland (1964, 1965, 1973, 1975, 1976, 1989). And a recent project called “Room to Rhyme” led by Séamas Ó Catháin and Críostóir Mac Cárthaigh of University College Dublin studied mumming as much in the north as in the south of Ireland (see Buckley et al 2007).
Estyn Evans and his followers
While the Folklore Commission dominated the study of folklore in the Republic, ethnology in the North was took a different turn, largely due to Estyn Evans and also his students, among them George Thompson and Alan Gailey. Together, these three men were to create the Ulster Folk Museum.
Evans came to Ulster as an archaeologist (Evans 1935, 1966) though he quickly turned to ethnology, becoming Professor of Geography at Queen’s University. He writes that, during fieldwork particularly in Rathlin and Donegal, he was impressed by “the wealth of survivals in material culture and folk beliefs” (Evans 1988, 92). He brought to Ulster’s ethnology a distinctive emphasis on the survival of ancient traditions and a focus on material culture.
“Survivalism” is a methodology still found in archaeology and in British and Irish folklore studies. It has two rather distinct origins. One is the romantic assumption, dating from the eighteenth century, that existing rural culture once belonged to a nation’s ancient inhabitants. The other is “social Darwinism”, which formed the basis of most late nineteenth century social theory, which applied evolutionary thought to the study of human culture (see, for example, Tylor 1871).
One version of social Darwinism, espoused explicitly by Evans’s teacher Herbert Fleure (1947) but found in Evans’s own writings, was that certain types of object, custom or even physiological trait were found in the present because they had allowed a population to subsist in a particular geographical environment. These types of culture either “survived” from a distant past or had “diffused” from somewhere else. The ethnologist’s task was to identify the origin of these types of culture, and to discover how they allowed people to adapt to a particular environment. In its emphasis on types (or species) of artefact and on the origin of these species, this kind of ethnology differs from mainstream historiography which emphases the unique actions of individuals in particular historical moments.
Much more to the point, however, Evans showed that, by describing and sketching material objects, and by explaining the way they were created and used, one could evoke or recreate an entire way of life (see 1942, 1957, 1967, 1992).
Evans’s publications are still a pleasure to read. His Irish Folk Ways (1957), for example, provides an elegant account of landscapes, houses, farmyards, fences, carts, boats, weddings and seasonal customs, each set in a contemporary and historical context. He can be criticised when his emphasis on vernacular and neglect of élite culture becomes a distortion. Also, he skips too easily between historical periods, insufficiently noting that different historical periods are indeed different. Furthermore, like many of the Dublin-based folklorists, he often portrays Ireland as having an idyllic communal coherence with few social tensions. Nevertheless, his writings remain a tour de force, well worth revisiting.
Evans did not however content himself with describing and drawing material objects. Instead, he turned to evoking the world of ordinaryUlster “folk” by putting these same objects in a museum.
The project of establishing a folk museum had been mooted ever since the time of Bigger. Indeed, there had been a primitive folk museum in the Bigger-inspired toy-workshop in Ballycastle (McBrinn 2002, 45). Two world wars had disrupted the project. In 1953, however, Evans helped form the Committee on Ulster Folklife and Traditions, later to become the Ulster Folklife Society. Ronald Buchanan became editor of their new journal, Ulster Folklife, and in 1958, this Folklife Committee brought the Ulster Folk Museum into existence (by Act of Parliament) under the directorship of George Thompson.
Thompson was (still is) a remarkable man. He had a feel for the lives of ordinary people and was a serious student of folklife, having done postgraduate work under Evans himself (Thompson 1958a, 1958b, 1982; Gailey et al 1964). He is remembered primarily for his qualities of leadership for it was largely due to his vision and quiet charisma that the Folk Museum flourished.
Alan Gailey, Keeper of Buildings and Thompson’s successor as Director, was most immediately responsible for the discovery, research, dismantling and reassembling in the Folk Museum of vernacular buildings. Gailey also produced an outstanding body of writings. With one major exception and several small ones (1968, 1973b), this scholarship has been concerned with material culture. For example, he wrote about the spade (1970, 1982a); rope-twisters (1962b); furniture (1966); bonfires (1977); and harvest (1972a, 1973a, 1984a). Most extensively, he wrote about buildings (1961, 1962a, 1963, 1964, 1972b, 1974a, 1974b, 1984b; Gailey et al 1964). The major exception is a long association with the mummer’s play (Gailey 1967, 1974c, 1975, 1979, 2005). His Irish folk drama (1969) remains the cornerstone of research into Irish mumming.
The strength of Gailey’s scholarship, like that of Evans himself, lies in its use of the careful recording and locating of data to build a rounded picture of traditional Ulster. Gailey retained Evans’s interest in survivals and diffusion, but he often expressed an affinity with theAnnales school of French historiography, which he felt to be a bridge between his own form of ethnology and other emerging schools (Gailey 1990, 8). The sophistication of his methodology is found, for example, in his most recent article (2005) which uses a literary analysis to explore the genuine conundrum of the origin and development of the mumming play.
Evans had provided ethnologists in Ulster with a methodology and an example which allowed them to conjure an entire way of life out of the detailed study particularly of material objects. It was not surprising that those associated with the Ulster Folk Museum should continue to follow him even when they had ceased to accept his theoretical premises (see, for example, Carragher 1985, 1995, 1997; McManus 1984). Two of Evans’s pupils, Ronald Buchanan and Desmond McCourt, maintained an especially close contact with the Museum. Buchanan published widely on different aspect of folklife (1955, 1956, 1957, 1962, 1963), and McCourt – who succeeded Buchanan as editor of Ulster Folklife – provided a stream of articles particularly on vernacular housing and field patterns (1955, 1956, 1962, 1965, 1970; Evans and McCourt 1968, 1971). A similar approach to building was later adopted by Philip Robinson, (1976, 1977, 1979, 1982, 1985, 1986b, 1991) who assisted and then replaced Gailey as Keeper of Buildings and whose work was influenced by his earlier research into the Ulster Plantation (1984).
Paradigm change: Rosemary Harris
Before 1970, a major problem with Ulster ethnology was that – with its emphasis on objects and crafts – it had somehow sidestepped a central feature of Northern Irish life, its sectarianism. There had been exceptions. An early article by Mogey (1948) discusses the sectarian divide but without thinking it at all problematical or odd. Buchanan, who never accepted Evans’s survivalism (1955), suggested thatUlster’s sectarianism was down to the failure of Protestants and Catholics to intermarry (1956). This idea is an insight still battling to be understood. Again, the Ulster Folk Museum too – far ahead of its time – was quietly aware it might help overcome social division. In 1965, Evans himself wrote of the Museum, “Here at least, in the effort to record, preserve, and study traditional Ulster ways and values a divided community appears to find common ground” (1965, 355). His sentiments were to be repeated by Thompson and his colleagues informally throughout the following decades (see Cashman 2001, 2006; Evans 1984). Despite these examples, until the 1970s, the quite substantial body of ethnological literature rarely mentioned, let alone studied Ulster’s oh-so-important ethnic division. Then, suddenly, this elephant-in-the-living-room became hyperactive, requiring that ideas already current in British, European and American ethnology be applied to Ulster.
Brontislaw Malinowski, founder of British social anthropology, had disputed the twin Darwinian notions of diffusionism and survivalism as long ago as the 1920s. It was not possible, he claimed, in the faraway societies where anthropologists worked, to reconstruct the past from objects and customs found in the present. Better to see these items as contributing to the functioning of society and therefore the satisfaction of human needs in the here and now.
By the 1950s, Malinowski’s “structural functionalism” was itself under fire. A number of overlapping and competing ideas – semiotics, structuralism, phenomenology, existentialism, Marxism and others – dramatically led ethnology away from both diffusionism/survivalism and structural-functionalism. Collingwood invited historians to put themselves into the minds of historical actors: to relive what Caesarthought as he crossed the Rubicon (1946, 213-217). Merton (1949) so clarified the concepts of functional sociology that people came to question whether “society” could ever be a functioning whole. Lévi-Strauss (1958, 4ff) doubted that objects or customs belonged to “types” or “species”. Wittgenstein (1958) came to believe that words had meanings only when they were used in particular “language games”. Berger and Luckmann (1967) showed that people lived according to “socially constructed” beliefs. Kuhn (1962) thought natural science itself operated only through socially constructed paradigms. There was a shift, therefore, towards the idea that “social reality” was composed of the subjective meanings that arose in social situations.
The book that transformed Ulster’s ethnology was Prejudice and tolerance in Ulster by Rosemary Harris (1972), a former associate of Buchanan and pupil of Evans. This book did not show merely what the newspapers (and frequent explosions rattling one’s windows) were now making plain, that Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland often had differing political ambitions. Nor did Harris just try to show they had different “cultures”. Rather she showed that relations between Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland were subtle and complicated.
The population of the area around “Ballybeg”, she claimed, participated in two opposed ways of life. One was perceived as “Catholic”, but was in reality associated with the poorer farms in the hills. The other was perceived as “Protestant” but was more properly associated with the more prosperous lowlands. Despite these perceptions, Catholics and Protestants lived both in the hills and in the valley. Catholics in the valley lived like “Protestants”; and Protestants in the hills lived like “Catholics”. In each area, sectarian divisions and prejudices coexisted with a sense of shared community.
Harris had transformed Ulster’s ethnology by relating Ulster’s sectarian divide to social geography. She differed, however, from Evans in one important respect. She entirely explained the present in terms of the present. There was virtually no reference to the past.
Harris’s study led immediately to similar work. Leyton described a different but similar pattern in the Mourne Mountains (1975a, 1975b). Here too, sectarian tension coexisted with a shared sense of community. McFarlane’s remarkable but never-published study of gossip (1978) further demonstrated the importance of observing face-to-face social interactions. In Buckley’s “Upper Tullagh” (1982), Catholics and Protestants took care to remain on friendly terms. Here, however, stereotypes of Protestant and Catholic did not come from geographical residence. Rather the population drew on stereotypes of other relationships such as female / male; parent / child; employer / employee; rich / poor. Later, a sophisticated historical study by Akenson (1991) cemented the idea that sectarian stereotypes depended radically on local conditions.
These writers seemed partially to have rescued Ulster’s communitarian ideals out of the wreckage of the Troubles. Donnan and McFarlane (1986), even worried they had gone too far. In practice, however, ethnology in Ulster was becoming deeply sombre. The rural idyll so often portrayed in earlier ethnology was crumbling.
Old wine, new bottles
Soon there were community studies based in urban settings. Ethnologists also returned to older topics, to seasonal customs, cures, folktales and the mummer’s play. They used, however, newer, relativistic methodologies and concentrated on interpersonal interaction, on subjective meanings and, above all, on the Troubles.
Urban studies revealed a Northern Ireland where sectarian aggression mingled with poverty (for example, Burton 1978; Jenkins 1982, 1983; Howe 1990). Few ethnologists after 1972 avoided making explicit or implicit political commentaries on the Troubles. Several studies got close to the brutality (Feldman 1991; Sluka 1989, 1999) or to the pathos (Santino 2001) of Northern Ireland life. Darby (1995), looking back to Simmel (1915), claimed that conflict – or at least ambivalence – was at the heart of all human relationships.
It is typical of the new mood that studies of the well-established folklife topic of seasonal customs should now embrace sectarianism. The careful description that characterises Buchanan’s still unsurpassed study of seasonal customs in Ulster (1962, 1963) gave way to studies by Robinson (1994) and Santino (1998a, 1998b) which explored the meanings these festivals might have in a time of conflict.
So too with the Twelfth of July. Gailey was the first professional ethnologist to look at events surrounding the Twelfth. His exemplary study of bonfires (1977) explains that most bonfires were (some still are) held on the night before certain quarter days, before the feast of St Peter and St Paul, and before the First and the Twelfth of July, as well as for other less regular purposes. Later studies that deal with the Twelfth shift their emphasis away from a careful interest in location, or indeed in the breadth of the tradition. Instead, they focus on the meaning of these events in relation to social conflict.
Jarman’s studies of parades and visual displays (1997, 1998), for example, are heavy with the politics of defining urban spaces. Jarman and Bryan have written extensively on parades seeing them as “a ritual expression of the ethnic differences which exist in Northern Ireland” (Bryan and Jarman 1997, 212). Several of their studies have included an orientation towards identifying appropriate public policies in relation to parades and symbolic displays (Bryan 1996, 2000; Bryan and Jarman 1996, 1999; Bryan et al 1995; Bryan and Gillespie 2005; Jarman 1978, 2002a; see also Donnan and McFarlane, 1989). Indeed, one can fairly say that this work has made a major contribution to the resolution of these specific conflicts and to the Northern Ireland peace process generally.
There have been comparable studies with different perspectives. Buckley (1985-86) seeks to unpick the meaning of the Bible stories depicted on the banners of the Royal Black Institution. Bryan (1998) looks at the Twelfth through the eyes of journalists who find difficulty representing the dissonant coexistence of family festival and social disorder all in the same article, or even on the same page. Buckley and Kenney’s description of riots (1995, 153-172) discovers a similar ambiguity, where family festival and violence, hymn-singing and bottle-throwing, fighting and fun all incongruously collide. Their book, Negotiating Identity (1995; see also Buckley 1998) more generally examines the processes involved in constructing identity in a variety of situations.
There have been several studies of banner paintings, some of which have emphasised the systematic similarities and differences between nationalist and Orange artistic traditions. Such studies often compare sectarian art with that found among such organisations such as the Freemasons and the trade unions (Loftus 1978, 1990, 1994; Jarman 1999). Buckley has taken this idea further, looking at the more general tradition of forming brotherhoods (Buckley, 1987; Anderson and Buckley 1988; Buckley 2000, 2007; see also Robinson 1986; Kilpatrick 1996).
Leaving aside the Troubles, one feature of the new ethnology has been the blurring of distinctions between disciplines. Bell’s agricultural studies exemplify this change. His doctoral dissertation (1982) explicitly abandons the rigid distinction between history and anthropology (see also Bryan and Tonkin 1996). Bell’s publications draw on his training as an anthropologist, while he writes, nevertheless, as an historian (1979, 1983, 1985, 1992, 2005, Bell and Watson 1986). Bell weaves into his historical narratives notions of “tradition” that were central to Evans’s ethnology. Above all, his studies of material culture are at one with his understanding of the social setting where objects are created and used.
Another agricultural specialist, Watson (1979, 1980, 1982, 1988, 2000, 2003) became particularly interested in agricultural techniques, in spades and swing ploughs, flachters, pigs and ponies. Here too, an ethnological approach merges with a concern with historical process.
Contextualization also became important to folk-musicology and this increasingly meant a concern with politics. Shields’s considerable and valuable collection of traditional ballads (H Shields 1964, 1971, 1974, 1981a, 1981b 1987; H and L Shields 1975) is firmly in the spirit of Edward Bunting, and it is entirely proper that traditional music of different kinds should be recorded and published. Feldman and Doherty (1979), however, not only give extensive transcriptions of fiddle music found in Tyrone and Donegal, they also give a full account of the circumstances in which the music was played. Prosser (née Scullion) approaches fiddle music in the manner of a genuine ethnomusicologist (Scullion 1980) trying to discern the musicians’ perceptions of their music. Her account of the Lambeg drum (Scullion 1981), and even more her description of a soloist singing “The Craigywarren Heroes” to accompany an Orange ritual (Prosser 1982-5) introduces the reader to a very special, unfamiliar and intimate world.
Religion proper, long a topic for Irish historians, has received remarkably little attention from ethnologists. The studies that do exist concentrate on anti-Catholic forms of Protestantism. The most prolific writer, Bruce, is centrally a sociologist of religion (with research interests beyond Ulster), who has explored Paisleyism and political loyalism (Bruce 1986, 1992a, 1992b, 2007; Bruce et al 1986). Brewer and Higgins (1998; see also Buckley 1989) have explored the relation between Protestant theology and conflict. Buckley and Kenney (1995, 111-138) examined Pentecostalism, with an emphasis on conversion and religious experience. Buckley (1980) has also looked at the mostly religious practices he calls “unofficial healing”.
Similar developments have taken place in the study of narrative. Glassie, who is not above making mere collections (1982b), more seriously grounds his discussion of folktales and historical narrative (1982a, 2006) in the relationship between story, storyteller and community. Jenkins (1977) sternly links fairy-belief to rural aggression and deviance. Ballard’s (née Smith) work in folk-narrative is more literary, concerned with the nature of narrative. For example, she notes the strange identification of fairy belief with the Danes (Smith 1979); the way notions of authenticity often frame the Irish folktale (Ballard 1980) and, in an interesting discussion of seal stories, the quasi-totemic relationship between animal and community in Rathlin (Ballard 1983).
There have been developments in the study of the mummer’s play. I mentioned that Gailey provided the ground on which all subsequent studies of the Irish mummer’s play have rested (1967, 1969, 1974c 1975, 1979, 2005). His work primarily examines texts and locates them in time and space with a view to tracing their history. In contrast, Glassie’s studies of mumming (1976, 2007) are more humanistic (even sentimental) paying attention less to the texts themselves than to their social context. Revisiting the topic he (2007) and also Cashman (2000, 2007) show how this drama has had a subtle and complex role in healing torn relationships between Catholic and Protestant.
Occasionally (in the circumstances, remarkably rarely), ethnology has become controversial. This happened with language. There had been research into Ulster dialect forms of English from the 1960s, largely through the work of Brendan Adams, Braidwood and Gregg ((eds) Barry et al 1982; (eds) Adams et al 1964; Braidwood 1965, 1966, 1971, 1972, 1975, 1978; Montgomery et al (eds) 2006 139-267).There arose, however, a claim that the “Ulster Scots” speech found in north-west and north-east Ulster was a separate “minority language”. Some commentators construed this claim as a politically motivated attempt to counter the Irish language espoused by nationalists, as a move in what Harrison has called “symbolic conflict”. One can gain a flavour of this debate by looking at the two editions of Ulster Folklife (Vols 44 and 45) largely devoted to it.
Studies of such a small population have been remarkably many and rich, fuelled, as was inevitable, by the ferocious conflict that broke out in the late 1960s. That conflict precipitated a major paradigm-change among Ulster’s ethnologists. The best of these later writers now rise above Collingwood’s “externals” to discover “the ideas, perceptions, values, beliefs and assumptions which are the basis of peoples’ lifestyles and practices” (Donnan and McFarlane 1989, 3).
I have taken care, however, not to suggest that earlier generations of Ulster ethnologists were mistaken while the later ones were correct. Since the 1970s, there has grown a heightened awareness that people continually transform ideas, objects and practices so they have different meanings in different contexts. Nevertheless, empirical inquiry still remains central to ethnology. It is still useful to suppose that ideas and practices survive and get diffused from place to place, and that certain features of social life sustain a social group while others do not. Even in this article, I have spoken of ethnological “traditions”: I am aware that many of my own views have “survived” from the days of Malinowski, or were “diffused” from France and America. And if ethnologists no longer portray rural idylls, they have shown that community is still a feature of human life even in the worst of circumstances. There is, therefore, a dialectical process, according to which each generation rejects old ideas only to rediscover these same ideas in due course. The work of the Dublin folklorists and of Evans and his successors remain impressive. Even Newton knew he stood on the shoulders of giants. We should remember that we do too.
Abraham, A S K 2000 “The T G F Paterson manuscript collection at Armagh County Museum.” Ulster Folklife, 46, 42-47.
Adams, Brendan, John Braidwood, R John Gregg (eds) 1964 Ulster dialects: an introductory symposium. Holywood, Ulster Folk andTransport Museum.
Adams, Ronald 1985 “Ulster folklife 1738-1740 from the pages of the Belfast Newsletter”, Ulster Folklife 31, 41-52.
Akenson, Don 1991 Small differences: Irish Catholics and Irish Protestants, 1815-1922. Dublin, Gill and Macmillan.
Anderson, Kenneth and Anthony D Buckley 1988 Brotherhoods in Ireland. Cultra, Ulster Folk and Transport Museum.
Andrews, John 1975 A paper landscape: the Ordnance Survey of Ireland. Oxford Clarendon.
Audley, Brian 2003 “Some Missing Items of the Bunting Collection rediscovered.” Ulster Folklife 49, 1-5.
Ballard, Linda 1980 “Ulster Oral Narrative: the stress on authenticity.” Ulster Folklife 26, 35-40.
Ballard, Linda 1983 “Seal Stories and Belief on Rathlin Island.” Ulster Folklife 29, 33-42.
Ballard, Linda 1988 “Some Photographic Evidence of the Practice of Dressing Boys in Skirts.” Ulster Folklife 34, 41-47.
Ballard, Linda 1989 “The Lilley Collection.” Ulster Folklife 35, 8-18.
Ballard, Linda 1992 “Some Aspects of Tradition among Female Religious in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 38, 68-78.
Ballard, Linda 1994 “Aspects of the History and Development of Irish Dance Costume.” Ulster Folklife 40, 62-67.
Ballard, Linda 1998 Forgetting frolic: marriage traditions in Ireland. Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies Queen’s University of Belfast.
Barry, Michael, and Philip Tilling (eds) 1982 The English dialects of Ulster: an anthology of articles on Ulster speech by G.B. Adams, Cultra Ulster Folk and Transport Museum.
Bell, Jonathan 1979 “Hiring Fairs in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 25, 67-78.
Bell, Jonathan 1982 Economic change in the Dunfanaghy area of North Donegal, 1990-1940 Unpublished Doctoral dissertation, Belfast, Queen’s University of Belfast. .
Bell, Jonathan 1983 “The Use of Oxen on Irish Farms since the Eighteenth Century.” Ulster Folklife 29, 18-28.
Bell, Jonathan 1985 “Farm Servants in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 31, 13-20.
Bell, Jonathan 1988 “Intelligent revivalism: the First Feis na nGleann, 1904.” In (ed.) Alan Gailey 1988 The use of tradition: essays presented to G B Thompson, Ulster Folk and Transport Museum Cultra, 3-12.
Bell, Jonathan 1992 People and the land: farming life in nineteenth century Ireland. Belfast, Friar’s Bush.
Bell, Jonathan 1998 “Concepts of survival and revival in Irish culture” Ulster Folklife 44 100-109.
Bell, Jonathan 2005 Ulster farming families, 1930-1980 Belfast, Ulster Historical Foundation.
Bell, Jonathan, and Mervyn Watson 1986 Irish farming: implements and techniques 1750-1900. Edinburgh, John Donald.
Berger, Peter and Thomas Luckmann 1967 The social construction of reality: a treatise in the sociology of knowledge. London, Allen Lane.
Braidwood, John 1965 “Local Bird Names in Ulster - A Glossary.” Ulster Folklife 11, 98-135.
Braidwood, John 1966 “Local Bird Names in Ulster - A Glossary.” Ulster Folklife 12, 104-107.
Braidwood, John 1971 Local Bird Names in Ulster - A Glossary.” Ulster Folklife 17, 81-84.
Braidwood, John 1972 “Terms for 'Left-handed' in the Ulster Dialects.” Ulster Folklife 18, 98-110.
Braidwood, John 1975 The Ulster dialect lexicon. Inaugural lectures: Belfast Queen’s University of Belfast.
Braidwood, John 1978 “Local Bird Names in Ulster: Further Additions.” Ulster Folklife 24, 83-87.
Brewer, John with Gareth Higgins 1998 Anti-Catholicism in Northern Ireland 1600-1998. Basingstoke, Macmillan.
Briody, Micheal 2005 “’Publish or perish’: the vicissitudes of the Irish Folklore Institute.” Ulster Folklife 51, 10- 33.
Bruce, Steve 1992a Northern Ireland: reappraising loyalist violence. Belfast, Research Institute for the Study of Conflict and Terrorism.
Bruce, Steve 1992b The red hand: Protestant paramilitaries in Northern Ireland. Oxford, Oxford University Press.
Bruce, Steve 2007 Paisley: religion and politics in Northern Ireland. Oxford, Oxford University Press.
Bruce, Steve 1986 God save Ulster: the religion and politics of Paisleyism. Oxford, Clarendon Press.
Bruce, Steve, David Taylor and Roy Wallis 1986 No surrender: Paisleyism and the politics of ethnic identity in Northern Ireland. Belfast, Department of social studies, Queen’s University of Belfast.
Bryan, Dominic 1996 Ritual, “tradition” and control: the politics of Orange parades in Northern Ireland. Coleraine, University of Ulster.
Bryan, Dominic 1998 “’Ireland’s very own Jurassic Park’ the mass media, Orange parades and the discourse on tradition.” In (ed.) A D Buckley 1998 Symbols in Northern Ireland Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University of Belfast, 23-42.
Bryan, Dominic and Elizabeth Tonkin 1996 ”Political ritual: temporality and tradition” .In (ed.) A Boholm 1996 Political ritual.Gothenberg, IASSA, 14-36.
Bryan, Dominic and Neil Jarman 1997 “Parading tradition, protesting triumphalism: utilising anthropology in public policy.” In (ed.) H Donnan and G McFarlane 1997. Culture and policy in Northern Ireland. Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University of Belfast. , 211-229
Bryan, Dominic and Neil Jarman 1999 Independent intervention : monitoring the police, parades and public order. Belfast, Democratic Dialogue and the Community Development Centre.
Bryan, Dominic 2000 Orange parades: the politics of ritual, tradition and control. London, Pluto.
Bryan, Dominic and Neil Jarman 1996 Parade and protest: a discussion of parading disputes in Northern Ireland. Coleraine, Centre for the Study of Conflict, University of Ulster.
Bryan, Dominic, and Gordon Gillespie 2005 Transforming conflict: flags and emblems. Belfast Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’sUniversity of Belfast.
Bryan, Dominic, T G Fraser, and Seamus Dunn 1995 Political rituals: loyalist parades in Portadown. Coleraine, University of Ulster, Centre for the Study of Conflict.
Buchanan Ronald 2004 “Editorial” Ulster Folklife 50, 1-3.
Buchanan, Ronald 1955 “The study of folklore.” Ulster Folklife 1, 8-12.
Buchanan, Ronald 1956 “The folklore of an Irish townland.” Ulster Folklife 2, 43-55 .
Buchanan, Ronald 1957 “Stapple Thatch.” Ulster Folklife 3, 19-28.
Buchanan, Ronald 1962 “Calendar Customs, I” Ulster Folklife 8, 15-34.
Buchanan, Ronald 1963 “Calendar Customs, II.” Ulster Folklife 9, 61-79.
Buckley, Anthony D 1980 “Unofficial healing in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 26, 15-34.
Buckley, Anthony D 1982 A gentle people: a study of a peaceful community in Northern Ireland. Cultra, Ulster Folk and TransportMuseum.
Buckley, Anthony D 1985-86 “’The Chosen Few’: Biblical texts in the regalia of an Ulster secret society.” Folklife 29, 15-24.
Buckley, Anthony D 1987 “’On the club’: friendly societies in Ireland.” Irish Economic and Social History 14, 39-58.
Buckley, Anthony D 1989 “’We're trying to find our identity’: uses of history among Ulster Protestants.’ In (eds) E Tonkin, M McDonald and M Chapman 1989 History and ethnicity. Routledge, London, 183-191.
Buckley, Anthony D 1998 “Introduction: Daring us to laugh: creativity and power in Northern Irish symbols.” In (ed.) A D BuckleySymbols in Northern Ireland. Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University of Belfast, 1-21.
Buckley, Anthony D 2000 “Royal Arch, Royal Arch Purple and Raiders of the Lost Ark: Secrecy in Orange and Masonic ritual.” In (ed.) T Owen 2000 From Corrib to Cultra: folklife essays in honour of Alan Gailey. Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies Queen's UniversityBelfast with Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, 163-180.
Buckley, Anthony D 2007 "'Rise up dead man, and fight again': mumming, the Mass and the Masonic Third Degree." In (eds) A D Buckley, S Ó Catháin, C Mac Cárthaigh, S Mac Mathúna,.2007 Border-Crossing: Mumming in Cross-Border and Cross-Community Contexts Dundalgan Press, Dundalk 19-38
Buckley, Anthony D and Mary C Kenney 1995 Negotiating identity: rhetoric, metaphor and social drama in Northern Ireland.Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington.
Buckley, Anthony D, Séamas Ó Catháin, Críostóir Mac Cárthaigh, Séamas Mac Mathúna (eds),.2007 Border-Crossing: Mumming in Cross-Border and Cross-Community Contexts Dundalgan Press, Dundalk
Burton, Frank 1978 The politics of legitimacy: struggles in a Belfast community London, Routledge.
Carlton, William, 1832 Traits and stories of the Irish peasantry. Dublin, Curry.
Carlyle, Thomas, 1849 Reminiscences of my Irish journey in 1849, London, S Low, Marston, Searle & Rivington (1882)
Carragher, Fionnuala 1985, “Settle Beds in the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum.” Ulster Folklife 31, 36-40.
Carragher, Fionnuala 1995 “Cluan Place, Ballymacarrett, Belfast.” Ulster Folklife 41, 1-11.
Carragher, Fionnuala 1997 “Miss Margaret Clyde of Duncrun .” Ulster Folklife 43, 48-57.
Cashman, Ray 2000 “Mumming with neighbours in west Tyrone.” Journal of Folklore research 37, 73-84.
Cashman, Ray 2001 “Can history heal? The uses of local history in a Northern Irish border community.” Irish Studies Working Papers, 2001:1 Nova Southeastern University, Fort Lauderdale, Florida, 5-11.
Cashman, Ray 2006 “Critical nostalgia and material culture in Northern Ireland.” Journal of American Folklore, 119, 137-160.
Cashman, Ray 2007 “Mumming on the Irish border: social and political implications.” In (eds) A D Buckley, S Ó Catháin, C Mac Cárthaigh, S Mac Mathúna.2007 Border-crossing: mumming in cross-border and cross-community contexts. Dundalgan Press, Dundalk, 39-56.
Collingwood, R G 1946 The idea of history, Oxford, Clarendon (1961).
Curtin, Chris, Hastings Donnan and Thomas M Wilson (eds) 1993 Irish urban cultures. Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies Queen’sUniversity of Belfast.
Darby, John 1995 What’s wrong with conflict? Coleraine, University of Ulster
Dixon, Roger 1997 “Francis Joseph Bigger: Belfast’s cultural Don Quixote.” Ulster Folklife 43, 40-57.
Donnan, Hastings and Graham McFarlane 1986 “Social anthropology and the sectarian divide in Northern Ireland.” In R Jenkins, H Donnan and G McFarlane 1986 The sectarian divide in Northern Ireland today. Occasional papers 41 Royal Anthropological Institute ofGreat Britain and Ireland, London.23-37.
Donnan, Hastings and Graham McFarlane 1989 “Introduction” In (eds) H Donnan and G McFarlane 1989 Social anthropology and public policy in Northern Ireland. Aldershot, Avebury 1-25.
Evans Estyn 1971 “Thomas George Farquhar Paterson OBE, MA, MIRA”, Ulster Journal of Archaeology 34, 1-2
Evans, Estyn 1942 Irish heritage: the landscape, the people and their work Dundalk, Tempest.
Evans, Estyn 1957 Irish folk ways. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Evans, Estyn 1965 “Folklife studies in Northern Ireland.” Journal of the Folklore Institute, 2-3, 355-65.
Evans, Estyn 1966 Prehistoric and early Christian Ireland A guide London, Batsford
Evans, Estyn 1967 Mourne country: landscape and life in South Down Dundalk, Dundalgan.
Evans, Estyn 1984 Ulster, the common ground. Mullingar, Lilliput.
Evans, Estyn 1988 The early development of folklife studies in Northern Ireland. In (ed.) A Gailey 1988 The use of tradition: essays presented to G B Thompson. Ulster Folk and Transport Museum Cultra. 91-96
Evans, Estyn 1992 The personality of Ireland: habitat, heritage and history. Dublin, Lilliput.
Evans, Estyn, (ed.) 1975 Harvest home: the last sheaf: a selection from the writings of TGF Paterson Armagh, Armagh County Museum.
Evans, Estyn, and Desmond McCourt, 1971 “A Late Seventeenth-Century Farmhouse at Shantallow, near Londonderry. Part 2.” UlsterFolklife 17, 37-41.
Evans, Estyn, and Mary Gafkin 1935 Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club survey of antiquities: megaliths and raths. Belfast
Evans, Esytn and Desmond McCourt 1968 “A Late Seventeenth-Century Farmhouse at Shantallow, near Londonderry. Part 1”. UlsterFolklife 14, 4-23.
Feldman, Allen 1991 Formations of violence: the narrative of the body and political terror in Northern Ireland. Chicago, University ofChicago Press.
Feldman, Allen and Eamon O’Doherty 1979 The northern fiddler: music and musicians of Donegal and Tyrone. Belfast, Blackstaff.
Fleure, Herbert J.1947 Some problems of society and environment: three lectures delivered at Universtiy College London. Liverpool, Philip.
Freud, Sigmund 1915 “Instincts and their vicissitudes.” In The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Volume XIV (1914-1916), Trans under editorship of James Stachey in collaboration with Anna Freud. London, Vintage 2001,109-40
Gailey Alan 1977 “The bonfire in North Irish tradition.” Folklore, Vol. 88, 3-38.
Gailey, Alan 1961 “The Thatched houses of Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 7, 9-18.
Gailey, Alan 1962a “Two cruck truss houses near Lurgan.” Ulster Folklife 8, 57-64.
Gailey, Alan 1962b, “Ropes and rope-twisters.” Ulster Folklife 8, 72-82.
Gailey, Alan 1963 “The cots of North Derry.” Ulster Folklife 9, 46-52.
Gailey, Alan 1964 “Notes on three cruck-truss houses.” Ulster Folklife10, 88-94.
Gailey, Alan 1966 “Kitchen furniture.” Ulster Folklife 12, 18-31.
Gailey, Alan 1967 “The rhymers of South-east Antrim.” Ulster Folklife13, 18-28.
Gailey, Alan 1968 “Edward L Sloan’s @The Year’s Holidays’.” Ulster Folklife 14, 51-59.
Gailey, Alan 1969 Irish folk drama. Cork Mercier Press.
Gailey, Alan 1970 The typology of the Irish spade In (eds) Alan Gailey 1970 The spade in northern and Atlantic Europe. Belfast, UlsterFolk Museum and Institute of Irish Studies Queen’s University of Belfast, 35-39.
Gailey, Alan 1972a “The last sheaf in the north of Ireland” Ulster Folklife, 18 1-79.
Gailey, Alan 1972b “Further cruck-trusses in East Ulster.” Ulster Folklife18, 80-97
Gailey, Alan 1973a “The flax harvest.” Ulster Folklife 19, 24-29.
Gailey, Alan 1973b “Sources for the Historical Study of Easter as a Popular Holiday in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 26, 68-74.
Gailey, Alan 1974a “A house from Gloverstown, Lismacloskey, Co Antrim.” Ulster Folklife 20, 24-41
Gailey, Alan 1974b “The housing of the rural poor in nineteenth century Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 22, 34-58
Gailey, Alan 1974c “Chapbook influence on Irish mummers’ plays.” Folklore, 85, 1-22.
Gailey, Alan 1975 “The Christmas rhyme.” Ulster Folklife 21, 73-84.
Gailey, Alan 1979 “Mummers’ and Christmas rhymers’ plays n Ireland: the problem of distribution.” Ulster Folklife 24, 59-68
Gailey, Alan 1982a Spade making in Ireland Holywood. Ulster Folk and Transport Museum.
Gailey, Alan 1982b "Folk-life study and the Ordnance Survey Memoirs." In (eds) A Gailey and D Ó hOgáin 1982 Gold under the Furze: studies in Folk Tradition Presented to Caoimhin Ó Danachair, Dublin, Glendale, 154-164.
Gailey, Alan 1982c “Folk culture, context and social change.” In (eds) Edith Hörander and Hans Lunzen Folklorismus. Neusiedl, See 73-102.
Gailey, Alan 1984a “Introduction and spread of the horse-powered threshing machine to Ulster’s farms in the nineteenth century.” UlsterFolklife 30, 37-54.
Gailey, Alan 1984b Rural houses in the north of Ireland. Edinburgh Donald
Gailey, Alan 1990 “’. . .such as pass by us daily. . . ‘: the study of folklife” The Estyn Evans Lecture 1989 Ulster Folklife 36, 4-22
Gailey, Alan 2005 “Chapbook printings of mummer’s plays in Ireland.” Ulster Folklife 51-53:
Gailey, Alan, Desmond McCourt and George Thompson 1964 “The Magilligan cottier house.” Ulster Folklife 10, 23-34.
Glassie, Henry 1976 All silver and no brass: an Irish Christmas mumming. Dublin, Dolmen.
Glassie, Henry 1982a Passing the time in Ballymenone: culture and history of an Ulster community. University of Pensylvania Press.
Glassie, Henry 1982b Irish folk history: folktales from the north. Dublin, O’Brien Press.
Glassie, Henry 2006 The stars of Ballymenone, Bloomington, Indiana University Press.
Glassie, Henry 2007 “Mumming in Ballymenone.” In (eds) A D Buckley, S Ó Catháin, C Mac Cárthaigh, S Mac Mathúna,.2007 Border-crossing: mumming in cross-border and cross-community contexts. Dundalgan Press, Dundalk, 91-101.
Hall, Mr and Mrs S C, 1850 Ireland, its scenery, character etc London, Virtue. (3 Vols).
Harbison, Janet 1989 “The Belfast Harpers' Meeting, 1792: the legacy,” Ulster Folklife, 35, 113-128.
Harris, Rosemary 1972 Prejudice and tolerance in Ulster: a study of neighbours and strangers in a border community. Manchester,Manchester University Press.
Harrison, Simon 1995 'Four types of symbolic conflict', Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 1, 255-273.
Howe, Leo 1990 Being unemployed in Northern Ireland: an ethnographic study. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.
Jarman, Neil 1997 Material conflicts: parades and visual displays in Northern Ireland. Oxford, Berg.
Jarman, Neil 1998 “Painting landscapes: the place of murals in the symbolic construction of urban space.” In (ed.) A D Buckley 1998Symbols in Northern Ireland, Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University of Belfast, 81-98.
Jarman, Neil 1999 Displaying faith: Orange, Green and trade union banners in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University of Belfast
Jarman, Neil 2002a Managing disorder: responding to interface violence in North Belfast. Belfast, Office of the First Minister and Deputy First Minister.
Jenkins, Richard 1982 Hightown rules : growing up in a Belfast housing estate Leicester, National Youth Bureau.
Jenkins, Richard 1983 Lads, citizens and ordinary kids: working-class youth lifestyles in Belfast. London, Routledge.
Jenkins, Richard P 1977 “Witches and fairies: supernatural aggression and deviance among the Irish peasantry.” Ulster Folklife 23, 33-56.
Kilpatrick, Cecil 1996 “Black, Scarlet, Blue, Royal Arch Purple, Or Any Other Colour”, Ulster Folklife 42, 23-31
Kuhn, Thomas 1962 The structure of scientific revolutions. Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
Lévi-Strauss, Claude 1958 “Introduction: history and anthropology.” Structural anthropology Vol 1.Translated by C Jacobson and B G Schoepf London, Penguin (1993) 1-27.
Leyton, Elliot 1975b “Opposition and integration in Ulster” Man, 9 185-98.
Leyton, Elliott 1975a The one blood : kinship and class in an Irish village. St. John's, Institute of Social and Economic Research,Memorial University of Newfoundland
Locke, John, 1859 “On the heath beer of the ancient Scandinavians.” Ulster Journal of Archaeology 7, 219-226.
Loftus Belinda, with Conrad Atkinson 1994 Mirrors: Orange & Green. Dundrum, Co. Down : Picture Press 1994
Loftus, Belinda 1978: Marching workers : an exhibition of Irish trade banners and regalia (held at the) Ulster Museum, Belfast, 2-28 May 1978 ; Belfast and Dublin, Arts Council and Arts Council of Northern Ireland.
Loftus, Belinda 1990 Mirrors: William III & Mother Ireland. Dundrum, Picture Press
MacAdam, Robert, 1859 “Six hundred Gaelic proverbs collected in Ulster (continued).” Ulster Journal of Archaeology 7, 278-287
Maloney, Colette 2000 The Irish music manuscripts of Edward Bunting (1773-1843): an introduction and catalogue Irish Traditional Music Archive, Dublin.
McBrinn, Joseph 2002 “The peasant and folk art revival in Ireland, 1890-1920 with special reference to Ulster” Ulster Folklife 48, 14-61.
McBrinn, Joseph 2004 “The Princess Taise Banner at the 1904 Feis na nGleann.” Ulster Folklife 50, 71-98.
McCourt, D 1956 “The Outshot House-Type and its distribution in County Londonderry.” Ulster Folklife 2, 27-55.
McCourt, D 1962 “Weavers' Houses around South-West Lough Neagh.” Ulster Folklife 8, 43-56.
McCourt, Desmond 1955 “Infield and Outfield in Ireland” Economic History Review (NS) 7, 369-376
McCourt, Desmond 1965 “Some Cruck-framed Buildings in Donegal and Derry.” Ulster Folklife 11, 39-50
McCourt, Desmond 1970 “The House with Bedroom over Byre: A Long-house Derivative?” Ulster Folklife 15/16 1970, 3-27.
McFarlane, Graham 1978 Gossip and social relations in a Northern Irish village Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Queen’s University ofBelfast.
Megan McManus 1984 "Coarse Ware." In (ed.) David Shaw Smith Ireland's Traditional Crafts. London, Thames and Hudson, 186-190.
Merton, Robert K 1949 Social Theory and Social Structure, Free Press, Collier Macmillan (1969).
Mogey, James 1948 “The community in Northern Ireland”, Man 48, 85-87
Montgomery, Michael, Robinson, Philip and Smyth, Anne 2006 The academic study of Ulster Scots: essays for and by Robert J Gregg.Belfast, National Museum and Galleries of Northern Ireland.
Murphy, Michael J 1964 Mountain year Oxford University Press.
Murphy, Michael J 1965 “The Folk Stories of Dan Rooney of Lurgancanty.” Ulster Folklife 11, 80-86.
Murphy, Michael J 1973 “Folktales and Traditions from County Cavan and South Armagh.” Ulster Folklife 19, 30-37.
Murphy, Michael J 1975 Now you’re talking - : folk tales from the North of Ireland Belfast Blackstaff Press.
Murphy, Michael J 1976 Mountainy crack: tales of Slieve Gullioners, Belfast Blackstaff Press.
Murphy, Michael J 1989 My man Jack: bawdy tales from Irish folklore. Dingle, Brandon
Ó Tuathail, Éamonn 1933 Sgéalta Mhuintir Luinigh. Munterloney folk-tales. Dublin, Irish Folklore Institute.
O’Laverty, James, 1859 “Remarkable correspondence of Irish, Grek and Oriental legends.” Ulster Journal of Archaeology 7, 334-346
O’Sullivan, Donal, with Micheál Ó Súilleabháin 1983 Bunting’s ancient music of Ireland. Cork, Cork University Press.
Ordnance Survey Memoirs, 1835-40 The Ordnance Survey memoirs, 1835-1840. Transcribed at the Institute of Irish Studies, Queen'sUniversity of Belfast under the direction of Angélique Day.
Plumptree, Anne, 1817 Narrative of a resident of Ireland. London, Colburn.
Prosser, Fionnuala 1982-5 “’The Heroes’Song’ in an Orange ceremony” Irish Folk Music Studies 4, 45-54.
Robinson, Philip 1976 “Irish Settlement in Tyrone before the Ulster Plantation.” Ulster Folklife 22, 59-69.
Robinson, Philip 1977 “The Spread of Hedged Enclosure in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 23, 57-69.
Robinson, Philip 1979 “Vernacular Housing in Ulster in the Seventeenth Century.” Ulster Folklife 25, 1-28.
Robinson, Philip 1982 “A Water-Mill built in 1615 by the Drapers' Company at Moneymore, County Londonderry.” Ulster Folklife 28, 49-55.
Robinson, Philip 1984 The plantation of Ulster: British settlement in an Irish landscape 1660-1670. Dublin, Gill and Macmillan.
Robinson, Philip 1985 “From Thatch to Slate: Innovation in Roof Covering Materials of Traditional Houses in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 31, 21-35
Robinson, Philip 1986a “Hanging Ropes and Buried Secrets.” Ulster Folklife 32, 3-15.
Robinson, Philip 1986b “A Message for the Future: Note on a Building Custom.” Ulster Folklife 32, 48-53
Robinson, Philip 1991 “The Use of the Term 'Clachan' in Ulster.” Ulster Folklife 37, 30-35
Robinson. Philip 1994 “Harvest, Halloween and Hogmanay: acculturation in some calendar customs of the Ulster Scots.” In (ed.) J Santino 1994 Halloween and other festivals of death and life. Knoxville, University of Tennessee Press, 3-23.
Santino Jack 1998a The Hallowed eve: dimensions of culture in a calendar festival in Northern Ireland. Lexington, University Press ofKentucky.
Santino, Jack 1998b “Light up the sky: Halloween bonfires and cultural hegemony in Northern Ireland”. In (ed.) A D Buckley 1998Symbols in Northern Ireland, Belfast, Institute of Irish Studies, Queen’s University of Belfast 63-80
Santino, Jack 2001 Signs of war and peace: social conflict and the use of public symbols in Northern Ireland. Palgrave New York..
Scullion, Fionnuala 1981 “History and Origins of the Lambeg Drum.” Ulster Folklife 27, 19-38.
Scullion, Fionnuala,1980 “Perceptions of style amongst Ulster fiddlers.” In Studies in traditional music and dance: proceedings of the 1980 conference London, UK National Committee (International Folk music council) 33-46.
Shields, H 1964 “Some Bonny Female Sailors.” Ulster Folklife 10, 35-45
Shields, Hugh 1971 “Some ‘Songs and Ballads in use in the Province of Ulster . . .1845'.” Ulster Folklife, 17, 3-24.
Shields, Hugh 1974 “Some 'Songs and Ballads in use in the Province of Ulster . . .1845'.” Ulster Folklife 18, 34-65.
Shields, Hugh 1981a “A Singer of Songs: Jimmy McCurry of Myroe.” Ulster Folklife 27, 1-18
Shields, Hugh 1987 “Popular Broadsides in the Library of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of Ireland.” Ulster Folklife 33, 1-25; 24-65.
Shields, Hugh and Lisa 1975 “Irish Folk-Song Recordings 1966-1972: an index of tapes in the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum”, 21, 25-54
Shields, Hugh Shamrock 1981b Rose, and Thistle: Folk Singing in North Derry, Belfast, Blackstaff.
Simmel, Georg 1915 Conflict: the web of group affiliations. New York, Free Press of Glencoe, 1972.
Sluka, Jeffrey 1989 Hearts and minds, water and fish: support for the IRA and INLA in a Northern Irish ghetto. London, AAI Press.
Sluka, Jeffrey 1999 “’For God and Ulster’: the culture of terror and loyalist death squads in Northern Ireland.” In (ed.) J Sluka 1999 Death squad: the anthropology of state terror Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 127-157
Smith, Linda-May 1979 “The Position of the 'Danes' in contemporary Ulster oral narrative.” Ulster Folklife 25, 103-112
Thackeray, William1843 “The Irish sketch book.” In W Thackeray 1972 The Paris sketch book, the Irish sketch book, and notes of a journey from Cornhill to Grand Cairo. London, Smith, Elder & Co. 259-558.
Thompson, George 1958a Primitive land transport of Ulster Belfast, Belfast Museum & Art Gallery.
Thompson, George 1958b “The blacksmith's craft.” Ulster Folklife 4, 33-36.
Thompson, George 1982 “Applied folk-life study: a personal view.” In (eds) A Gailey and D Ó hOgáin 1982 Gold under the Furze: studies in Folk Tradition Presented to Caoimhin Ó Danachair, Dublin, Glendale, 43-49.
Tylor, Edward, 1871 Primitive culture: researches into the mythology, philosophy, religion, art and custom. London, Murray
Watson, Mervyn 1979 “Flachters: their construction and use in a Ulster peat bog,” Ulster Folklife 25, 61-66.
Watson, Mervyn 1980 “Cushendall hill ponies.” Ulster Folklife 26, 8-14.
Watson, Mervyn 1982 “North Antrim swing ploughs: their construction and use.” Ulster Folklife 28, 13--23
Watson, Mervyn 1988 “Standardisation of farming practice: the case of the large white Ulster pig.” Ulster Folklife 34, 1-15.
Watson, Mervyn 2000 “Spades versus ploughs: a nineteenth-century debate Part 1.” Ulster Folklife 46, 48-68.
Watson, Mervyn 2003 “Spades and ploughs: a nineteenth-century debate. Part 2.” Ulster Folklife 49, 50-77.
Wittgenstein, Ludwig 1958 Philosophical investigations. Translated by G.E.M. Anscombe. New York, Macmillan.
 Later the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum, subsequently subsumed into Museums and Galleries of Northern Ireland.
 The essays contained in Irish urban cultures (Curtin et al 1993) are unusual in that they mostly discuss the non-violent aspects of Ulster towns using the methodologies of urban anthropology.
 The word is not Simmel’s but actually Freud’s (1915) and it is remarkable that these two men should publish such similar ideas in the same year.
 Ballard has also worked on extensively on textiles (1988, 1989, 1992, 1994) and marriage (1998).
 In one of the most interesting publications to arise indirectly out of the Troubles, Harrison (1995) shows how social groups fight by creating new culture; by overwhelming or stealing the culture of their opponents, or by claiming that their own culture has the higher value.